No. 217 cultural hegemonic intellectual literature i. Grange cultural hegemonic theory studies li jun (hongbong university college, hebei shih, 05∞43) on the premise and main content of the social revolution, according to grange. The main battleground for cultural hegemony is the civil society, so the key to social revolution is a battle between the ruling and ruling classes in civic society in which ideological rivalry is the main element. Intellectuals are the historical subjects of cultural hegemony and literature has a great influence on the population, so that intellectuals and literature are given high priority in the competition for cultural hegemony。
Keyword
Grange; cultural hegemony; intellectuals; literature
Centre chart classification number
Field 3-06
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Article number
1-3541 (2 p. M.) abstract: "gt field"The in the sun place mcultural h ~10iiy war rewda civil society. 50 return from eimp back to tskIntell's pension is an is w8s iúmima from mcultural hegemony, which was caused by e people usaly were affected by the drama. By lit, there is no ii隅, at it is called h vonny wanare, intelellectual and literfun jre jdjstyang e yang yang yang impo. Keymum: gnunsci; ivltural begemony; interllets uai; literian antónio granci is an academicly recognized philosophy and political foundation of western marxism and its relationship to western marxist theory, and rarely involves cultural hegemony with his intellectuals. He incorporates western cultural philosophy, from the relationship between literature and his literary thought. In fact, mr. Göring's intellectual theory and evolution, in order to capture society as a whole and the social revolution, introduced the theory of cultural hegemonic aesthetics, with the idea of civic literature as an integral part of his cultural hegemonic aesthetics, not at the heart of his intellectuals, organic intellectuals, literature of a people, and so on. His theory has far-reaching implications, and the place of sub-theory and literary thought in the system of cultural hegemonic aesthetics directly opens the door to western marxist cultural criticalism, and it is impossible to grasp the whole of its cultural hegemonic aesthetics. In view of this, even edward sayed's orientalism, huntington's civilization, has tried to do a little rough on this theory of gusteau on the basis of pre-human research, and the theory of conflict, post-modernism, can be found in this study, in order to reciprocate the whole of grantey's hegemonic aesthetic theory. So in the west, from the face of the late italian communist party. The leaders, the comrades of grange, the comrades of tauri atti, who was a comrade in the last 50-60s, began to study and expound the theory of grange -- cultural hegemony. In china, the people's literature press launched "grange" in the fourth century and "egemo" in grange's doctrineNia (or russian), the precinct in prison (gransey) is probably the first book on garremoh, reremoh, and english, the hcam. Domestic theory has since been studied in writings and articles on the theory of greek cultural hegemony. There are three kinds of translations of the concept of grange - a leader, a hegemonic, but most of the research on the theory of grange is concerned with cultural hegemony, and some scholars have tested them in terms of their origins
Date of receipt
2 p-4
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Thesis is funded by a project funded by the special fund for scientific research of the ishire institute of railways (phd start-up project) (project number: 8111 α. 7 million). One 125 an original meaning。
The ij authors generally agree with this statement, arguing that, as a result of the new cultural hegemonic institutions of grant, the crux of the doctrine of the worldview of the proletarians, of values and values emphasizes the role of culture in the social revolution, first in the position of domination in the civil society and then in the control of society as a whole. Thus, the translation of cultural hegemony is closer to the idea of grange, which is an ideological war for civil society, and the translation of cultural hegemony, which is followed by the drought of his aesthetic culture. Theories are called cultural hegemonic aesthetics. While it is not possible to say that gülenzi is completely indifferent to the armed struggle, the violent revolution, the concept of cultural hegemony in the prison book has two dimensions: the first is that, in its theory as a whole, the focus of the discourse is indeed cultural criticism, meaning that the dominant class, through groups and organizations such as churches, trade unions, schools, etc., is fighting for a prominent place in the revolution. Cultural criticism was the media of his former literary arts, humanities and even social sciences, exercising a moral and moral guidance that marxism, and leninism in particular, did not attach much or sufficient importance to or develop, thereby subjecting the ruling class to the ruling part of the hierarchy, which is also the focus of western marxist cultural criticalism, which shares the values of the ruling class, gives its conscious consent to the beginnings of the hierarchy and the construction of the theory, and in this sense grange has established a hierarchy of domination to achieve the goal of stable domination, that is, the ruling class, by exercising its original position in western marxist cultural criticalism. Second, if the ruling class is to take the view of the former soviet theorist, kolakovsky, to take power and win the revolution, it is quite obvious that glanzi must first consider the ruling class's ideology, its cultural hegemony through purely ideological means, as creative control, and its people's mindsets and value systems, that is to say, the primacy of political power, which, for lenin, is a prerequisite and the main element of a social revolution is a purely technical issue of cultural revolution and non-violent warfare, and that it is possible, if circumstances permit, to seize the same. (p) to counter the cultural hegemony of the ruling class to win the revolution. There is no doubt that for the first time in the marxist theoretical spectrum, grange's meanings are closely linked and mutually reinforcing, the former being the premise and foundation of the latter, and the role of cultural criticism and conscious struggle in the revolution, which is the extension and conclusion of the former. A unique theory of cultural hegemony. He stressed that cultural control was the non-coercive rule that was essential to maintaining the foundations of the civil society theory of the state, which was based on marx and hegel, and that cultural criticism had created its own civic social theory on social change, which, in his view, was a prerequisite and a key element of life. Because of the intellectuals in the social fabric of the place of cultural hegemony and the place of use. In essence, grange is the creator, heir of culture and, naturally, of cultural criticism and moral construction. The concept of cultural hegemonicism is based on the construction of an executive of ideas and ideological struggles in his unique civic social theory, and the literature of the aesthetic creations is directed at human beings. Only in his civic social theory can his emotions, consciousness and moral values be accurately captured, and therefore the concept of cultural hegemonism be grasped. Grange's theoretical vision naturally turned to intellectuals, literature. He proposed a famous formula from the book " in prison " : the state = critical, value-building, intellectual struggle into intellectual theory, political society + civic society. According to grange, political society represents the study of violence and literature. (a) the theory, literary theory and domination of the grange intellectuals; civil society representatives have a cultural hegemony characterized by conscious control, and there is an inherent logical connection between the country’s cultural critical theory, which together is the cultural hegemony of a forced stomach (p. 222). The understanding with marx constituted its cultural hegemonic aesthetic architecture. In contrast, grange believes that civil society belongs to the upper echelons. What we can do before, he says, is to determine two main dimensions of the upper layer: a second-tier, cultural-hegemonic theory of intellectuals that can be called "civil society is usually called " after the civil society claimed that the struggle for cultural hegemony was the first task of the social revolution, the group was organized. The other is that ‘political society or the country’s grangeian theory naturally turns to how to capture cultural hegemony
Yamakawa has turned to intellectuals who are the historical subjects of cultural hegemony. Knowledge-sharing gügerance believes that civic society is an integral part of the aesthetic theory of cultural hegemony of political parties, trade unions, churches, and schools. In the school, academic and cultural groups and the various media, and in the intellectual theory of the ruling class, grange defined the concept of intellectuals, stating that it is through these institutions that hegemonic control permeates society as a whole. In his view of intellectual functions, he distinguished between intellectuals: intellectuals were discussed precisely because of the relationship between bourgeois cultural hegemony and revolution in capitalist countries. Infiltration of individual societies has led to a deep sense of bourgeois ethics and values in one of its unique definitions of intellectuals, grangee explains that most of the dominant class has consciously and unconsciously agreed to the role of bourgeois intellectuals. The distinction with traditional ideas is always based on physical work and intellectual domination, so what intellectuals are doing is putting intellectuals in the grip of all kinds of anti-equity political and even economic crises. In contrast to intellectual workers, grange believes that intellectual labor or intellectuals, which perpetuates the domination of the bourgeois class on the basis of coercion and consent, are not intrinsic to the abstract nature of a particular social group and are difficult to destroy in manual work. In other words, even the most mechanical and simple work in western advanced capitalist societies has a small amount of technical importance. Class rule is largely not sustained by political society (the rule of violence), and it is unimaginable to leave intellectual participation, so it is unscientific to equate intellectuals and so on with intellectual workers, in much the same way as assets that are expressed by the consent of the ruling class. Grange believes that it should be maintained by social cultural hegemony. Gracie concluded that in a highly developed society, the triumph of the revolution requires a battle between intellectuals and non-intellectuals that is characterized by ideological rivalry in general and by the social functions performed. The objectives of such a strategy should be directed directly at members of the community. The distinctive characteristic of workers is not just physical work, because it is a political society, not a political society, where intellectual activity is also required with the cultural hegemonic labour of the proletarian class. Workers are identified as workers because they have gradually replaced the cultural hegemonic power of the bourgeois class in a given society, thereby establishing a relationship with the public at large. Similarly, knowledge 126 members are also responsible for their intellectual work in a given social relationship. This raises the question of assimilation and traditional knowledge. Intellectual functions are identified as such. From grant's point of view, it's the function of intellectuals to develop their own class's organic intellectuals to become assimilated and compete
