Source: excerpt from "the self-reformation of gays in zhou eun"
When does china have intellectuals? It's a long story, far from slavery. It's a matter for historians like guo and fan wenzhen. I will only talk about the development of modern chinese intellectuals。
(i) intellectuals from old societies are undoubtedly affected by imperialism and the reactionary ruling class. I'm one of them, too. I've had braids on my head. How can there be no influence when there is a sense of decision?
(ii) we have served the old social services, even if not directly for the warlords or the national party of the north, and cannot be said to be unaffected by the old society。
(iii) we all have a bourgeois education, and even some of us have a feudal education, such as going to a temple, worshiping a “master of the heavens and the earth”, overheading, being beaten in the hands, being punished on the knees, being grounded in a feudal education: there is, however, some use now, some poetry. After liberation, i went to tianjin and went back to south high school, where i had studied, the first sentence of which was: “i have been educated here by the bourgeois, but also thanks for the enlightenment that i had.” being educated by the bourgeois, not just bad, also inspired me. That would be more comprehensive。
These three are the “root” of intellectuals from old societies, which cannot be denied。
And the example is of me. Where am i from? We say that i was born in wyan and jiang zhe. Why is that? Why is that? Because my brothers and cousins are chao xing, i cannot help but say that they are of chao xing's origin or that they are trying to escape this relationship? I was born in huai an, and my grandfather was the governor of huai an, and my grandfather is the governor of yii an, and my family is now in huai an, and i cannot explain their historical relationship without saying that i was born in huai an. One's historical relationship needs to be clear, so there is no harm in doing so, and no matter what the situation is, the past cannot be erased. After the revolution, i am certainly no longer a bourgeois intellectual, but writing history cannot erase the past. Chairman mao was very dissatisfied with the fact that he had learned a lot and knew everything when he was a child. Chairman mao said he burned incense as a child. I was superstitious to buddha when i was a child, and then to anarchy. During the campaign, we organized the conscious society. Then someone asked deng yung-chul: were you a communist group? She replied that it could not be called a communist group, an organization that studied new ideas. Our members are researchers on anarchy, on kirt socialism and on communism. Since then, many have joined the ycl and the communist party. Young people do not understand and think it is too modest to say that history is development, and the individual is development. I went to france in 1920 and had an interest in fabian socialism, but it was soon abandoned. I am grateful to liu qingyang and zhang shen, both of whom introduced me to the party. Zhang shin's mind is mixed and he's obsessed with russell's philosophy, trying to melt the thoughts of confucius, russell, max, floyd and einstein。
In short, one thing to be sure is that everyone came from the old society and that, regardless of the present situation, was in the class of bourgeois intellectuals。
On the other hand, and more importantly, it should be seen that the vast majority of china’s intellectuals are governed and oppressed by imperialism, feudalism, bureaucratic capitalism, so that some of them participate in the revolution, some of them sympathize with it, most of them begin to look at it, are neutral, and then come closer to it. Anti-revolutionary intellectuals are very few. It is only a minority who serve directly the qing dynasty, the northern ocean warlords and the national party reactionaries and are truly their instruments to oppress the people. That was true from the opium war to the xinhe revolution, from the old democratic revolution to the new democratic revolution. From the opium war to the more than one hundred and twenty years now, intellectuals serving imperialism, feudalism and the bureaucratic bourgeois class have proved to be hopeless. What's the point of pujie's past study in japan, or did the new china transform him? His uncle jae-tao, who had served as a minister-in-chief, could serve the people better than being a representative. There are people here who are different, and shen is always the master, wong is always the master, dong is the master and henling. Su-chul, man, sergeant, henling. What can i do if i want to do something that i can't do? What good can i do for the nation when i was my “companion” to the warlords? What was the way out of the administration of the national party when he returned and was a senior intellectual? Retardation in the service of american imperialism until the end of life is over, and, in turn, history has shown that intellectuals can only move forward with the proletarians, the working people and the communists. This was demonstrated both during the revolution and during the period of socialist construction。
Before and after liberation, we have traditionally placed intellectuals within the revolutionary coalition, counted among the people. Before liberation, chairman mao had spoken in the united government. After liberation, comrade liu shuqi also said at the 8th and 6th congress of the party, that “the proletarians can only form a dictatorship for the largest part of the population against the reactionary class if they form an alliance with a broad and socially acceptable population”. We are the largest people in the united nation, concentrated on a democratic basis, and the largest of them in the dictatorship of a few. The democratic dictatorship of the people is different from that of the capitalist, feudal and slave-based minorities over the majority, exploiting the dictatorship of the class over the working class. He also quoted lenin as saying, “the proletarian dictatorship is the vanguard of workers? The proletarian class is the labour force of a large number of non-obligating classes (small bourgeois classes, small-scale owners, farmers, intellectuals, etc.) or a special form of class alliance with the majority of them ... Formed for the eventual formation and consolidation of socialism”. Lenin included intellectuals in his description of the “working class of the non-proletary class”. This is about a union between the proletariat and other workers. China has also expanded its alliances, which have been extended to include the national bourgeois. China is a semi-enclosed, semi-colonial country with a mandate to oppose imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic capitalism and to maintain political alliances with the national bourgeois. An alliance with the national bourgeois is an alliance between the proletarian and non-working. Adherence to these two alliances is our strategic approach and long-standing historical task, which will play a long-term role on our united front. The estimates of intellectuals are based on this. This is often ignored by many party cadres and unclear explanations. In line with this approach of forming alliances with other workers as well as with non-workers, the proletariat has put forward a task of transformation。
(i) the proletariat is the first to transform itself. The world is not perfect, awareness is growing and awareness is constantly evolving, and self-reformation is required. The proletariat has its own class nature, resists exploitation and oppression and has advanced ideas, but it is also necessary to transform itself into a highly conscious, combative and organized class. The proletariat and the bourgeois class live in a society that is not immune to the intellectual and customary forces of the bourgeois class and is also affected by feuds. Thus, the proletarians and the communists continue to eliminate the influence of the non-property ideology in their ranks and to eliminate old things. Only those who can transform themselves can transform. In the midst of the winds, chairman mao was the first to ask for learning and transformation within the party。
(ii) the proletariat's approach to solidarity, education and reform for other workers, mainly for farmers and intellectuals from the old society. Change what? Change the ideology and habits of the non-proletarians so that they can embrace the ideas and views of the proletarians. Farmers are called upon to combat the influence of the spontaneous forces of capitalism in rural areas and intellectuals are required to transform the intellectual system and customary forces of the bourgeois class. In this way, they will be able to build socialism together with the proletarians and, in the future, communism。
(iii) the proletariat is united against the national bourgeois. The economic approach of exploitation, restriction and transformation, using its benefits for the well-being of the nation, limits its benefits for the well-being of the population, from the processing of goods to the setting of interest rates, thus eliminating interest rates and eliminating the economic base of its class. Politically, they have to change their class positions and views. This is going through a long period of work. The aim of such work is to make them new to socialism. Of course, the national bourgeois are also our allies, but they belong to another party。
In sum, the reform of the proletariat to other workers or non-workers is aimed at the eventual elimination of class and class. Only then can communism be achieved. At that time, differences between work and agriculture, physical and intellectual work would not exist. This will take a long time, and it will take many stages。
The contradictory nature of the two alliances is different. There is no confrontational contradiction between the proletariat and other workers, nor between the proletariat and non-workers. Isn't it confrontational for the proletarians to destroy the bourgeois? But we have adopted a policy of foreclosure rather than confiscation to change capitalist ownership. It is a non-confrontational contradiction for farmers to gradually lead them from individual to collective ownership. The resolution of non-confrontational contradictions is a long-term process that involves persuasion, education, demonstration and improvement. Similarly, the differences between manual and intellectual workers can only be gradually eliminated through long-term processes, based on the development of production and by learning from one another. In this way, our alliance with intellectuals is fundamentally different from that with the national bourgeois。
As a result of these developments, chinese intellectuals also have a dual dimension: on the one hand, they are intellectual workers who can serve their people, and on the other hand, they are inextricably linked to old societies. It is therefore necessary for the party and the state to adopt a solidarity, education and transformational approach with them, as well as for intellectuals to become intellectuals who are likely to emerge from the influence of the old society and adapt to the needs of the new society. Thus, the fundamental policy of the party and the state towards intellectuals is also the fundamental task of intellectuals themselves。
In accordance with such an approach and with the task of self-reform, for 12 years the majority of our intellectuals have undergone fundamental transformation and great progress. I had a report on intellectuals in 1996 which provided a preliminary estimate of the situation of intellectuals. Comrade liu shuqi also said at the 8th congress of the party in 1996 that “the intellectual community has changed its face and formed a team in the service of socialism”. Chairman mao's " on the proper handling of the internal contradictions of the people " was addressed at the supreme council of state on 27 february 1997 and released only in june 1997, when the right-wing offensive was launched, without altering the original analysis. He said: “the majority of our intellectuals have made remarkable progress over the past seven years. They expressed support for the socialist system. Many of them are working hard to learn marxism, and some have become communists. This group, although still small, is gradually growing. Of course, some of the intellectuals still suspect or disagree with socialism, which is a minority.” chairman mao's estimate of knowledge is clear。
From 1997 to the present, intellectuals have been subjected to exercise and testing, especially in the last two years, with the exception of a few reactionaries. On the one hand, we have achieved great achievements in construction, while on the other hand we have also experienced deviations and mistakes in our work, combined with three years of rural famine, reduced production of food and cash crops, some decline in urban industrial production, reduced supply of market goods, partial price increases and a decline in real wages. This situation will continue for a further period. The majority of chinese intellectuals stand the same test as workers and farmers. We cannot say that no one has an opinion on this situation, that it should, and that most people are interested in making suggestions for improvement and hope that the situation will improve. Only a very few people are happy. The majority of workers, farmers and intellectuals love their homeland. I read the brief of the science workshop. This is reflected in the fact that people work hard, overcome difficulties in their lives and even restrain themselves when they encounter things that are not in a good mood. We are touched by your love for the homeland. This is the pride of chinese intellectuals. The chinese people have been made from the days of national suffering. Some of you are here after several generations of indoctrination, seeing national liberation, victory for the people, participation in socialist construction, difficulties and confidence in the future。
I cannot help but be pleased to see some kind of good-faith criticism in the briefing. After more than a decade of effort, the intellectual community has grown and a new generation of intellectuals has been created from older generations of intellectuals, with new powers in the areas of culture, education and health. The idea of drinking water was the result of the political thinking of the party and the joint efforts of the intellectual community. The growth of young people is nurtured by older generations, and this is well understood. It is easy to find problems from old intellectuals, but depending on the dominant side, each has its own strengths. For example, i may not speak as fluently as young people, but speak more of issues and experience. If mutual respect is to be achieved, young intellectuals must first be taught to respect older intellectuals. It is encouraging that many of the older intellectuals have worked hard to learn marxist leninism, mao zedong thought and that some have joined the party。
However, in 12 years, and even for a long time, a small proportion of the population has suspected or disagreed with socialism, maintaining the position of former bourgeois intellectuals and refusing to transform or even engage in antisocial activities. These people are bourgeois intellectuals, even right-wing. As chairman mao once said to the leaders of the democratic parties, now that the economic foundations of capitalism have been eliminated, there is no way out for the bourgeois intellectuals, who should be put on the proletarian side to recognize the communist leadership. This is a point, it was made around 1950, but by june the right side was still attacking. The counterattack was necessary at that time, but in no way would it shake the fundamental policy and strategic orientation of our party towards intellectuals throughout history, nor would it change the alliance of the proletariat with other working people. Some of our comrades in the party don't know that。
Within the intellectuals, there are also left, middle and right as in the party. It is the rule and objective existence of any party or social group with a left, middle and right. Left, middle, right, or progress, middle, conservative, they can transform into one another, and conservative can shift to progress, middle, and intermediate. However, some departments and agencies have left, middle and right queues. The mindset of the human person is changing, and political thinking and ideas are constantly changing, especially with regard to the many issues of scientific production, which are not divided by political ideology, let alone left, middle and right. For example, in the construction effort, it was not right to say that high indicators were correct and low indicators were conservative. The production of steel is now set at less than 10 million tons, which is not conservative, not right-hand, so that it can be solid and more favourable to construction. The indicators are high and low and cannot be used as political divisions。
It is for a small number of intellectuals who maintain a bourgeois stance, so long as they do not engage in anti-party anti-socialist activities, we still include them politically and educate them. The anti-party anti-socialist activities are characterized by the exception that the anti-revolution is illegal. For the right, there is work for them, and there is room for them on the united front, and some are still in the political union. We want to unite the largest number of people, to be transformed, to be transformed, to be isolated。
This is a recognition of the process of developing chinese intellectuals. The party did not underestimate the role of intellectuals, and its policy was clear. The intellectuals should also know their role well。
